If you read Bloomberg’s and Schwarzenegger’s speeches HERE and HERE (and supplement them with Schwarzenegger’s important Second Inaugural and National Press Club speeches, both from 2007), you’ll find the outlines of a powerful new political ideology, broken down into 10 key elements below.
From Post-partisan!: The first uniquely American political ideology is being born, Issue No. 110 (August 2007), Radical Middle Newsletter, by Mark Satin, Editor.
1. Relationships as important as convictions. At Los Angeles, Bloomberg waxed eloquent about “teamwork,” “reaching across the aisle,” etc. He went so far as to call for “a fundamentally different way of behaving -- one built on cooperation and collaboration.” And in his National Press Club speech, Schwarzenegger said, “[Politics] starts with something very basic -- establishing relationships. I read where the President asked a Senator about his son who is in Iraq. The Senator’s dismissive reply was not in the spirit of the question. How did that reply advance the public good?”
2. Criticism well balanced by self-criticism. Bloomberg and Schwarzenegger do not hesitate to criticize whatever earns their ire (e.g., Bloomberg: elected officials “become hooked on partisanship because it offers easy answers.”). But they also look coolly at themselves. For example, Bloomberg pointedly noted that it’s “a waste of time pointing fingers and blaming the politicians in Washington -- after all, we elected them.” And Schwarzenegger told the National Press Club, “Ladies and gentlemen, I don’t claim to be Gandhi. In 2005 I contributed to the polarization. I tried to push through some [California ballot] initiatives the wrong way -- us versus them.”
3. Overriding commitment to dialogue and deliberation. Ben Franklin used to convene feuding Constitutional Convention delegates under a gorgeous mulberry tree in his back yard (see “Origins of the Post-Partisan Perspective” below). Just so, Time magazine reports that Bloomberg “broke with 200 years of tradition by rearranging [New York’s formalistic] city hall into a bullpen modeled on a trading floor, with his desk in the middle of 50 aides.” And Schwarzenegger told the L.A. conference,
5. Compromise not the only endgame. “From my experience,” said Bloomberg,
6. Simultaneously creative and practical. Bloomberg is attracted to “creative” ideas, he said, not because of a taste for high theory but because he’s interested in “producing real results, solving tough problems.” In his Second Inaugural Address, Schwarzenegger called for “a new creative center . . . a dynamic center.” But his motives are as pragmatic as Bloomberg’s. He expects that the creative middle will generate neither haplessly visionary nor “warmed over” public policies, but “well-balanced and well-grounded” ones.
7. A penchant for big ideas. Partisan politicians “see the same problems we do,” said Bloomberg. “But instead of working to address their causes, and provide real, lasting solutions, they tinker around the edges, offering band-aids. . . . We’re not going to solve [our challenges] with small ideas.” In his L.A. speech Schwarzenegger proudly claimed, “Last year California passed the world’s most comprehensive plan to reduce greenhouse gases.”
8. A bias for action. Michael Grunwald, who wrote Time magazine’s aforementioned cover story on Bloomberg and Schwarzenegger, put his finger on a key part of the post-partisan dynamic when he said, “Love of action is the real link between Schwarzenegger and Bloomberg.” He quoted Schwarzenegger saying, “We don’t need another meeting on global warming. We need action.” And he observed that the real source of Bloomberg’s appeal is his image as “a businessman who can work across party lines to get things done” [emphasis ours - ed.].
9. A concern with values and principles. Pragmatism and compromise are parts of the post-partisan arsenal. But a deeper part is values and principles that can ensure integrity. At the L.A. conference, Bloomberg devoted a good part of his speech to describing his six key personal and process values: independence, honesty, innovation, courage, teamwork, and accountability. In his National Press Club speech, Schwarzenegger memorably declared, “The left and the right don’t have a monopoly on conscience! We should not let them get away with that! . . . You can seek a consensus and retain your principles. What is more principled than giving up some part of your position to advance the greater good of the people? That is how we arrived at a constitution in this country.”
10. A long-term vision. Bloomberg envisioned such far-seeing policy solutions as a preventive-care-oriented health care system and an anti-poverty program that offers cash to poor people for maintaining high rates of school attendance, participating in job training programs, etc. (“This approach has worked well in Mexico, but it’s never been tried in the U.S.,” Bloomberg said -- thereby boldly and even bravely exemplifying his insistence on taking good ideas from everywhere.) In his Second Inaugural Address, Schwarzenegger offered a vision of California 20 years hence:
2. Criticism well balanced by self-criticism. Bloomberg and Schwarzenegger do not hesitate to criticize whatever earns their ire (e.g., Bloomberg: elected officials “become hooked on partisanship because it offers easy answers.”). But they also look coolly at themselves. For example, Bloomberg pointedly noted that it’s “a waste of time pointing fingers and blaming the politicians in Washington -- after all, we elected them.” And Schwarzenegger told the National Press Club, “Ladies and gentlemen, I don’t claim to be Gandhi. In 2005 I contributed to the polarization. I tried to push through some [California ballot] initiatives the wrong way -- us versus them.”
3. Overriding commitment to dialogue and deliberation. Ben Franklin used to convene feuding Constitutional Convention delegates under a gorgeous mulberry tree in his back yard (see “Origins of the Post-Partisan Perspective” below). Just so, Time magazine reports that Bloomberg “broke with 200 years of tradition by rearranging [New York’s formalistic] city hall into a bullpen modeled on a trading floor, with his desk in the middle of 50 aides.” And Schwarzenegger told the L.A. conference,
In the courtyard of our State Capitol in Sacramento . . . I have a politically incorrect smoking tent. And let me tell you, a lot of [legislators] come down there, take off their jackets, loosen up their ties, take a stogie out of my humidor, and they smoke and they schmooze. How come Republicans and Democrats in Washington don’t schmooze with each other? You can’t catch a socially transmitted disease by just sitting down with some people who maybe hold ideas different from yours.4. Overriding commitment to diversity of opinions and perspectives. Post-partisanship goes beyond just accommodating differences. Bloomberg put it nicely when he said, “Solutions will require a diversity of opinion” [emphasis ours - ed.]. And at the L.A. conference Schwarzenegger said, “If you stick to just one party’s proposal[s] you miss half of the good ideas.” (He also said, “My in-laws for the last 30 years, every time I go over there [they have] Democrats and Republicans over there!”)
5. Compromise not the only endgame. “From my experience,” said Bloomberg,
ending Washington paralysis means bridging divides, but that does not mean just splitting differences. That’s a common political cop-out. Public policy is not a zero-sum game. . . . By thinking outside the box, and bringing creative ideas to the table, we can increase the benefits that both sides can achieve -- and more importantly, what America can achieve.Schwarzenegger made the same crucial point when he said, at the National Press Club, “Politics is about compromise. . . . Post-partisanship, however, is not simply Republicans and Democrats each bringing proposals to the table and then working out differences. Post-partisanship is the new concept of Republicans and Democrats giving birth to new ideas together.”
6. Simultaneously creative and practical. Bloomberg is attracted to “creative” ideas, he said, not because of a taste for high theory but because he’s interested in “producing real results, solving tough problems.” In his Second Inaugural Address, Schwarzenegger called for “a new creative center . . . a dynamic center.” But his motives are as pragmatic as Bloomberg’s. He expects that the creative middle will generate neither haplessly visionary nor “warmed over” public policies, but “well-balanced and well-grounded” ones.
7. A penchant for big ideas. Partisan politicians “see the same problems we do,” said Bloomberg. “But instead of working to address their causes, and provide real, lasting solutions, they tinker around the edges, offering band-aids. . . . We’re not going to solve [our challenges] with small ideas.” In his L.A. speech Schwarzenegger proudly claimed, “Last year California passed the world’s most comprehensive plan to reduce greenhouse gases.”
8. A bias for action. Michael Grunwald, who wrote Time magazine’s aforementioned cover story on Bloomberg and Schwarzenegger, put his finger on a key part of the post-partisan dynamic when he said, “Love of action is the real link between Schwarzenegger and Bloomberg.” He quoted Schwarzenegger saying, “We don’t need another meeting on global warming. We need action.” And he observed that the real source of Bloomberg’s appeal is his image as “a businessman who can work across party lines to get things done” [emphasis ours - ed.].
9. A concern with values and principles. Pragmatism and compromise are parts of the post-partisan arsenal. But a deeper part is values and principles that can ensure integrity. At the L.A. conference, Bloomberg devoted a good part of his speech to describing his six key personal and process values: independence, honesty, innovation, courage, teamwork, and accountability. In his National Press Club speech, Schwarzenegger memorably declared, “The left and the right don’t have a monopoly on conscience! We should not let them get away with that! . . . You can seek a consensus and retain your principles. What is more principled than giving up some part of your position to advance the greater good of the people? That is how we arrived at a constitution in this country.”
10. A long-term vision. Bloomberg envisioned such far-seeing policy solutions as a preventive-care-oriented health care system and an anti-poverty program that offers cash to poor people for maintaining high rates of school attendance, participating in job training programs, etc. (“This approach has worked well in Mexico, but it’s never been tried in the U.S.,” Bloomberg said -- thereby boldly and even bravely exemplifying his insistence on taking good ideas from everywhere.) In his Second Inaugural Address, Schwarzenegger offered a vision of California 20 years hence:
Because we . . . committed ourselves to the environment, we lead the world in the transition from fossil fuels to clean energy -- and as a result, a clean-tech industry has sprung up creating jobs for our people. And because we were leaders in stem cell research, California’s bio-tech industry has boomed, offering new cures for spinal cord injuries, Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s, and other diseases. And because we took action to correct our fiscal crisis [we] have learned, once and for all, to live within [our] means. . . .
So how is this working. Well, after having read this article I need to do some research. How are Mayor Bloomberg and Governor Schwarzenegger doing three years later? The Mayer looks like he's an effective chief executive, but the Governor seems to be struggling with his legacy in California. I wonder if that has more to do with the dysfunctional California Legislative environment.
I'll write back again after I've done some home work.
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